{"id":1082,"date":"2021-01-02T21:05:18","date_gmt":"2021-01-02T21:05:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/undod.cymru\/?p=1082"},"modified":"2021-01-03T11:16:28","modified_gmt":"2021-01-03T11:16:28","slug":"1082","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/undod.cymru\/en\/2021\/01\/02\/1082\/","title":{"rendered":"First, Do No Harm"},"content":{"rendered":"

Staging a post-pandemic \u2018recovery narrative\u2019 in Wales – by way of a celebratory event born of a \u2018culture war\u2019 – is a contradiction in terms, argues Frances Williams.<\/i><\/strong><\/p>\n

Instead of international cooperation, 2020 was a year which saw the pandemic prompt aggressive nationalist narratives. Projections of the virus as foreign body gave rise to a series of events in the UK which summoned up military victories over old enemies in Europe and The Far East. Purportedly staged to raise morale, these included enhanced Second World War memorial celebrations – both VE and VJ days – despite lockdown restrictions and social distancing measures set in place at the time. \u2018We\u2019ll meet again\u2019 the Queen quipped.<\/p>\n

Displays such as these don\u2019t look likely to disappear anytime soon in 2021 but they may, like the virus itself, mutate. Within a resolutely ‘Great British\u2019 government response to the pandemic, \u2018Welshness\u2019 looks set to be redeployed for political gain, using the persuasive \u2018soft power\u2019 of culture. Below I chart some of the strategies and tactics being deployed to shape what it means to be Welsh amid the current context of \u2018covid nationalism\u2019 – freshly inflamed by social, health and economic inequalities.<\/p>\n

The coercive approach adopted by Johnson\u2019s government, intent on retaining central control, has been tacitly sanctioned and endorsed by a \u2018friendly\u2019 Welsh Labour Government. It is similar, rather than different forms of political economy and governance, I will further argue, that generate common ill-effects. Cultural institutions in Wales and England alike are being actively enlisted to play their part in a divisive \u2018culture war\u2019.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Welsh history repurposed<\/b><\/p>\n

As an example, Welsh heroes and heroines were singled out for attention by the Museum of Military Medicine in 2020. It chose to highlight, via an animated tweet, the life of Betsi Cadwaladr. Often described as the \u2018Welsh Florence Nightingale\u2019, her name is familiar to most people through its adoption by the North Wales Health Board. While this epithet might appear as an honour, the comparison holds ambivalence. In the Crimean war, the working-class Cadwaladr fell out with the aristocratic Nightingale, whose approach she disagreed with and whose orders she did not obey. Despite these differences, Cadwaladr has been claimed by the Museum as one of their own, a woman \u2018great\u2019 enough to deserve a place in \u2018military medical history\u2019. This hybrid term is itself a deliberate twinning – a braid that positions medical knowledge as a secondary adjunct to the legitimacy of conducting war. Medicine can thus be cast as ethical balm, its power extending beyond physical repair, to absolve the troubled conscience.<\/p>\n

The Museum\u2019s choice to highlight Welsh historical figures, including that of Cadwaladr, was informed by its proposed expansion and re-siting from Aldershot in Surrey to Cardiff Bay due 2022. As outlined on many previous Undod posts, this development has been opposed by many in the Welsh capital for a variety of reasons. These include objections raised by people living in Butetown, home to some of the oldest diaspora communities in Wales. One musician tweeted an alternative suggestion: \u2018A Butetown History & Arts Centre\u2019 could celebrate ‘the lives and work of the people of the area rather than glorifying death and destruction.\u2019<\/p>\n

The public campaign against the Museum occupying this new site succeeded in forcing a change in media messaging. Those in charge now claim that displays will \u2018reflect Cardiff Bay\u2019s cultural and industrial heritage as a port.\u2019 The further addition of a Museum of Army Music was floated, perhaps as a way to dispel any further dissonant notes of dissent. The Museum has hired the advertising agency, Isobel<\/i>, to help with future branding and fundraising. It remains unclear how much money has been spent on this PR exercise. But judging from a glance at Isobel<\/i>\u2019s website it will likely extend into the tens of thousands.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

A Broader Campaign<\/b><\/p>\n

This localised dispute over histories of class, race, entitlement and belonging can be seen as part of a broader campaign enabled by Welsh Labour. Though funded by those in Whitehall – HM Treasury backed the Museum of Military Medicine\u2019s new home to the tune of two million pounds – the proposed Museum is supported by Cardiff City Council keen to \u2018attract investment\u2019. The Council have emphasised the ameliorating effect of this being a Museum that profiles medical, over military, history. Council Leader Huw Thomas wrote in upper case to emphasise this point: \u2018Let\u2019s be clear, it\u2019s a Military MEDICINE Museum. I can see why people might object to a museum that glorified war, but I\u2019m not sure a museum with such as Florence Nightingale\u2019s carriage, dental and vet equipment, and recent<\/p>\n

deployments to combat Ebola is doing that.\u2019 This foil has also been accepted at face value by other commentators who insist that \u2018The main point here is not about taking lives, but saving them\u2019.<\/p>\n

Another cultural event that looks set to build on this strategy of deceptive entanglement is the \u2018Festival UK\u2019, due to take place in 2022, with initial proposals developed in 2021. This was allocated the sum of \u00a3120 million by Theresa May in 2018 and was quickly dubbed the \u2018The \u2018Festival of Brexit\u2019 by its critics. The idea was floated in the year May hoped to secure a Brexit deal when she was all too explicit in her aim that a UK Festival should serve to \u2018strengthen our precious union\u2019. Former Master of Ceremonies for the Olympics, Martin Green, was appointed to curate the Festival in 2019. Then Culture Secretary, Nicky Morgan, announced it as \u2018A fantastic opportunity to champion all that is great about the UK\u2019. It would \u2018not only celebrate our values and identities,\u2019 she said but \u2018help attract new inward business and investment.\u2019 Economic rationales then, using exact wordings, are being deployed to support both The Museum of Military Medicine and Festival UK.<\/p>\n

This approach represents a new form of controlling and coercive unionism that has arisen to combat growing independence movements in Scotland and Wales (and those in northern Ireland that support a united Ireland). These movements have been further fuelled by the pandemic. A \u2018union unit\u2019 within Number 10 is now dedicated to undermining them, asking for\u00a0 the Union Jack to be stamped as a branding device on the Oxford vaccine (according to newspaper reports last November).<\/p>\n

Unionism 2.0 retains Britain\u2019s colonial past as a positive legacy, with inconvenient truths disavowed. \u2018Great Britain\u2019 is once again being mobilised as a brand in a global marketplace, in what some suggest is also a genuine – if delusional attempt – at Empire 2.0. Old friendships with (white) former British colonies are being revived in the hope of new trade deals, through alliances such as \u2018anzuk\u2019 (Canada, Australia, New Zealand). Meanwhile within the UK, the internal market bill binds four nations into a single political-economy, riding roughshod over devolutionary settlements (not so settled after all, it seems, but retrospectively deemed a \u2018disaster\u2019 by Johnson.)<\/p>\n

Furthermore, Johnson has sought to dissuade any re-examination of Britain\u2019s Imperial past in the year when Black Lives Matter protests erupted globally. Thus the Welsh folk song, Ar Lan Y M\u00f4r can be broadcast from Tenby as part of The Last Night of the Proms alongside performers pressed (by a beleaguered BBC) into singing the lyrics of Rule Britannia. \u2018I think it’s time we stopped our cringing embarrassment about our history, about our traditions, and about our culture,\u2019 Johnson waded into the media furore. He condemned any reflection on past colonial histories as harmful, a form of unnecessary \u2018self-recrimination\u2019. Indeed, historical reassessment was a sign of weakness and \u2018wetness\u2019 (repurposing Thatcher\u2019s term for those in her cabinet who lacked her Monetarist resolve).<\/p>\n

Harming not healing<\/b><\/p>\n

Having canvassed people working in the cultural sector in Wales – especially those who reject this regressive approach – culture emerges not as a side-issue to the hard ball game of \u2018real\u2019 politics. Instead it sits squarely at the centre of a propaganda campaign explicitly designed to shape public opinion (though hidden and not named as such). Beyond allowing a skewed restructure of arts funding in Wales, such strategies strike at the heart of who owns the \u2018crown jewels\u2019 – Culture Secretary, Oliver Dowden\u2019s revealing term for those institutions worth saving: \u2018You know, the Royal Albert Halls and so on.\u2019<\/p>\n

The bilingual website of Festival UK boasts British values: \u2018open, original, optimistic\u2019.<\/p>\n

Welsh culture, including the Welsh language, is being made to feel very welcome within Unionism 2.0 which deploys economic pressure – and flagrant bribery – to ensure that impoverished artists and arts organisations remain beggars not choosers. It can be seen as a deliberate plan to quell troublesome voices who would otherwise seek to facilitate critical or ethical reflection on past injustices and any light they throw on those persisting in the present. Financial insecurity is matched by direct threat – a combined tactic of carrot and stick. These pressures \u2018trickle down\u2019 through tiers of government – across party political allegiance – to inflect social norms.<\/p>\n

Green himself was wily enough in an interview with The Guardian in January 2022 to concede that \u2018a big challenge will be winning over sceptics in Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales\u2019 (critics later more disparagingly characterised as killjoys and \u2018snarks\u2019). Boris Johnson continued to keep the money for this proposed Festival ring-fenced despite the strain on finances prompted by pandemic – thereby sustaining his optimistic \u2018sunny upland\u2019 narrative. The festival\u2019s name has now been abbreviated to the acronym, F UK * 2022, a \u2018working title\u2019 yet to be finalised (no doubt mutating as events in the future might dictate).<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

All in it together?<\/b><\/p>\n

Since the onset of the pandemic, Green has seen an opportunity to shift the focus to \u2018frame a healing narrative\u2019 through F UK * 2022 by way of \u2018bringing people together\u2019 through culture. The people identified as needing to be brought together is undoubtedly very large – \u2018inclusive\u2019 in an absolute sense. According to his own projection, Green wants the festival to touch the lives of \u201966 million people\u2019 (ie everyone who lives in the UK).<\/p>\n

\u2018It will not bring people together\u2019; the artist Stephen Pritchard has flatly refuted Green\u2019s claim. Pritchard is a leading light in the movement for cultural democracy, a researcher and activist living in the North East of England. This movement \u2018recognises that 2020 is marking a turning point in how culture, in its broadest sense, across the UK, is understood, supported and governed.\u2019<\/p>\n

Like Green, Pritchard brings \u2018form\u2019 from previous culture festivals, though more in opposing, than supporting them. When George Osbourne gave five million pounds towards a Great Exhibition of the North, Pritchard objected to BAE systems coming on board as sponsor. This would have meant that profits – won by way of lucrative arms sales to Saudi Arabia – could be used to fund this soft power cultural event. He mounted a successful boycott against their involvement which led BAE withdrawing involvements due to public pressure. Pritchard sees F UK*22 as the latest in a line of similar regional initiatives designed to evoke Imperial glories of the past – intended to promote future trade, albeit secured through unethical deals. On hearing of F UK*2022, Pritchard gave early warning to those in the devolved nations of the project\u2019s intent, asking: \u2018Can’t the devolved nations see that this is a divisive Tory project seeking to revive unionism in the wake of… #Brexit?’<\/p>\n

But F UK*2022 is fully supported by the Welsh Government. Gerwyn Evans has been appointed to work under the title of Head of Programmes for \u2018Creative Wales\u2019. An endorsement has also been given by Lord Elis-Thomas in his role as Welsh Government Deputy Minister for Culture, Sport and Tourism. ‘I\u2019m hugely excited by another opportunity to raise Wales\u2019 international profile as a small, creative nation, brimming with<\/p>\n

talented and friendly people, on the world stage.\u2019<\/p>\n

Elis-Thomas continues in this gushing fashion, identifying only \u2018friendly people\u2019 rather than foreign foe, viral or otherwise: \u2018Coronavirus has placed massive and unprecedented challenges on the very fabric of Welsh life, equally so for our friends across the UK, and we applaud the resilience and creativity on display so far. This festival presents a golden opportunity for our burgeoning creative minds to thrive post-pandemic and once more showcase our talent to the world.\u2019<\/p>\n

Velvet Glove<\/b><\/p>\n

The power dynamics at play between England and Wales in relation to cultural policy were implied in a report detailing a threatening public intervention by the Secretary of Culture last month. Oliver Dowden had personally stepped in to oppose a development in The Museum of The Home, in Hackney (like Butetown, an area with an ethnically diverse population). When the Museum decided to remove a statue of the slave-owner Robert Geffre from their premises following a public consultation, they were told in no uncertain terms that \u2018removing statues, artwork and other historical objects is not the right approach.’ The Museum\u2019s Director felt \u2018extremely compromised\u2019 by this injunction. \u2018Singling out\u2019 in this way had led to museum staff being subject to abuse on social media, she confessed, in what became a \u2018traumatic\u2019 episode. To date, the statue remains.<\/p>\n

Writing about this incident for a national newspaper, one Professor described the autonomy of Arts Council England by way of an adaptation of Maynard Keynes\u2019 famous \u2018arms length\u2019 metaphor. In this case, that distance was more \u2018knuckle length\u2019, he concluded. He went on to draw a \u2018contrast\u2019 in approach in the devolved nations, who have made public their intent to address colonial expressions from the past.<\/p>\n

True, Mark Drakeford did indeed announce a review of colonial statues in Wales (published in November). But the Welsh government\u2019s hold of cultural purse strings extend more subtly underneath such public declarations of (good) intent. There is evidence that knuckles are being felt in Wales too, albeit perhaps gloved in velvet. A senior lecturer at Bangor University, for example, was scolded by the Vice Chancellor for objecting to the erection of a statue honouring HM Stanley in Denbigh in 2011 – and again in 2020 when further calls for its removal were made. Selwyn Williams detects \u2018the rule of narrow commercial interests\u2019 in the admonishments he received for being too \u2018political\u2019. Other artists, curators and researchers speak of similar suppressions, but are \u2018reluctant to go on the record\u2019 – a sign in itself of a \u2018shift\u2019 in the \u2018culture of culture\u2019.<\/p>\n

One Arts Council Wales (ACW) representative promoted F UK*2022 as \u2018an interesting opportunity\u2019 for Welsh arts organisations. Speaking in a closed forum, they acknowledged that the title of the Festival of Brexit was a name likely to mark the \u2018kiss of death\u2019 for any celebration hosted by arts organisations in Wales. However, they sought to reassure those in attendance in a Zoom forum that despite its \u2018genesis\u2019, the project was now \u2018genuinely independent\u2019. They urged arts organisations in Wales to apply for lucrative research and development money on the basis that \u2018at least one of the final ten projects will definitely be from Wales\u2019. They added, with little apparent irony: \u2018This is certainly not for ACW to engineer or orchestrate. We need to keep out of it…\u2019<\/p>\n

Such nods and winks are a common feature of life in Wales where professional and friendship networks are often more intimate than those in England. But cosy set-ups should not blind us from seeing how power moves though tiers of government, through normative neoliberal values, down to \u2018independent\u2019 non-governmental bodies, to the pockets of arts organisations and purses of individuals (where financial reward arrives, if it does at all, as spare change.)<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The Biggest \u2018Art Wash\u2019 Ever<\/b><\/p>\n

Not all artists or arts organisations in Wales are silent on such points or persuaded by Lord Thomas\u2019 promotional puff. Rhiannon White, Director of the well-respected Common Wealth theatre, roots her cultural practice within the context of her Welsh working class background and socialist values. A supporter of Pritchard, she also is passionate about cultural democracy. This belief has led her away from the stage to generate dramas – rather than merely \u2018set them\u2019 – amongst the lived experience of Welsh working class communities. Talking directly to Undod, she described F UK* 2022 is the \u2018biggest art-washing event that could ever happen!\u2019<\/p>\n

When White was approached by one national organisation to apply for F UK*2022 funding she told them, \u2018no\u2019 as it \u2018goes against my values\u2019. Arts organisations have to more vigorously ask themselves: \u2018Who are you making work for?\u2019 she believes, pointing out<\/p>\n

that some radical voices have been co-opted through the lure of big cash. White refuses to sanction such complicity by allowing it to pass as \u2018harmless\u2019. Ethical stances are possible to hold, she insists. But she holds organisations more accountable than hungry individuals, as the former are willing to cut community involvement in favour of retaining primary \u2018core\u2019 artistic programmes.<\/p>\n

The organisation, Migrants in Culture, likewise affirm how \u2018We\u2019re not calling for the shaming of individuals and organisations who will have to accept this money to survive.\u2019 In a lengthy counter narrative published<\/a> in response to F UK*2022, this group states how \u2018As migrants working in the arts we know that our creativity doesn\u2019t have a nationality\u2019 Theirs is a timely vision set amongst the new borders being thrown up by the current moment of pandemic. \u2018We believe that in an accountable and ethical arts ecology, Martin Green, Chief Creative Officer of the F UK*2022, should reallocate the festival\u2019s \u00a3120 million budget towards an equitable recovery for the arts and cultural sector… where our ability to survive a pandemic isn\u2019t contingent on class, race or national origin.\u2019<\/p>\n

\"\" \"\"<\/p>\n

Graphic produced by Migrants in Culture in response to Festival UK 2022.<\/i><\/p>\n

Their statement comes as a welcome challenge to those who take an essentialist view of \u2018Welshness\u2019 based on a belief in authenticity, or more perniciously, ethnic purity. \u2018There is no such thing as UK creativity\u2019 Migrants in Culture affirm. Ditto, Welsh creativity, we can conclude. What currently does persist is a subsidised regime of arts funding that is firmly positioned within a devolved power structure that actively shapes cultural production – through pass-me-down models of nationalist, corporate branding.<\/p>\n

Now that we are faced with the stark prospect of Welsh arts organisations not being able to exist at all without state funding, the principles and premise on which such funding is allocated – \u2018diversity\u2019, \u2018community\u2019 and \u2018equality\u2019 – are exposed as (self)promotional buzzwords. ACW acts as the administrator for a top-down system of state patronage with baked in \u2018second tier\u2019 status. Both working class and black communities in Wales have been exploited for their \u2018use\u2019 value in this respect, including being enlisted most recently as the \u2018art washers\u2019 for F UK* 2022.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Conclusion<\/b><\/p>\n

In locating Welsh identity in a context of internationalism rather than Britishness, Undod provides a welcome forum to share, link and discuss strategies for the future that do not replicate colonial models of the past. We need to find ways of forging solidarities that make the most of differences, rather than allow them to cause further division or hurt. A careful forging of commonalities is required for new forms of solidarity to coalesce. Connections might be forged by interested academics around how alliances might work in practice, as much as theory, in a Welsh context. This is where potentials for \u2018inter- sectionality\u2019 lie across the boundaries of race and class. These can undermine the twisted narratives being so deceptively – and effectively – proffered by The Right.<\/p>\n

Prichard shows that successful public campaigns are possible, with networks becoming tangible when room is made for private misgivings to be aired in public. As White suggests, I have tried to be careful here of who I am talking to, limiting the harm I may cause others. No doubt ACW staff are subject to bullying institutional cultures passed down from Welsh government through lines of hierarchical command. But within these (working) cultures, there is an urgent need to keep space for personal accountability. We need to expose and diffuse \u2018culture wars\u2019 without necessarily becoming part of them.<\/p>\n

The hippocratic oath invites doctors to \u2018first, do no harm\u2019. Through the cultural projects set out above, this premise has been flipped: harms can be mitigated by way of \u2018cultural\u2019 balm after the event. It is a pernicious inversion, as it invites future harms while brushing over those that have already been committed. Rather than forced celebration, there is now a need for collective grief: not only those that have died in the pandemic, but for the sorry state of affairs that has allowed the virus to fully exploit inequality to such deadly effect.<\/p>\n

Harms will be inflicted on artists in Wales, through working in a sector diminished longer term, by a massive one-off spend. The mechanisms that enable democratic scrutiny and accountability will also be distorted and by-passed in the process. That a Welsh (Labour) Government should be the ones actively undermining their own devolved powers through this endorsement of Unionism 2.0, is an irony that cannot be overlooked. As our friends and families provide the data for maps of mortality to be redrawn by the pandemic, our lives and the border lines we live within, are at stake as never before. Far from being the \u2018tonic we need\u2019 in Wales, F UK* 2022 is a spiked brew: poison prescribed as medicine.<\/p>\n

Dr Frances Williams completed her PhD on the topic of Arts in Health in relation to devolution at Manchester Metropolitan University in 2019. She lives and works between North Wales and South London.<\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

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Staging a post-pandemic \u2018recovery narrative\u2019 in Wales – by way of a celebratory event born of a \u2018culture war\u2019 – is a contradiction in terms, argues Frances Williams. Instead of … <\/p>\n

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